SARR Conference, May 27-29, 2010, Quito, Equador
Nelson Manrique, Universidad Católica del Perú
Participants and Abstracts:(Click on title for full text):
Rossana Barragán (Universidad Mayor de San Andrés, Bolivia)
Los movimientos regionalistas y autonómicos se han referido al colonialismo centralista en la relación estado-regiones en franca emulación al concepto de colonialismo interno de la construcción nacional en la relación estado/élites blancias vs. comunidades. El “centro” ha sido por tanto cuestionado desde dos flancos: desde las regiones y desde la población indígena. Ambos han estado presentes con mayor o menor visibilidad en la historiografía y en la dinámica política contemporánea. El cuestionado “centro”, en cambio, no ha recibido mucha atención. Considerando al estado y al poder como un conjunto de relaciones, busco “desnaturalizar” el centro y analizar, en base a los presupuestos del estado entre 1900 y 1952, las disputas entre las regiones y el estado central, los conflictos entre las élites, las luchas entre los distintos niveles político-administrativos, y, finalmente, los conflictos en relación a los impuestos de las comunidades. Se trata, por tanto, de las cotidianas luchas entre diversos actores por la generación y distribución de los ingresos.
After the new Bolivian constitution was approved, a new conflictive and contradictory phase of struggle opened up. This phase involves, among other things, the creation of stepping stones towards the construction of a legal grammar, public policy narrative and administrative mechanisms which will allow working through highly held and yet contradictory constitutional principles related to discourses and practices of race, gender, ethnicity and nation. This paper examines emergent tensions and conflicts among groups of people in their effort to give form and meaning to these constitutional principles in day to day legal struggles, public policy construction efforts and/or street confrontations within a larger historically grounded tension between two projects of nation that have marked contemporary state formation in Bolivia. Here, I will examine these struggles, tense efforts and confrontations as contingent and yet historically structuring triggers for re-thinking the public arena. As a consequence, this re-thinking entailed questioning binaries and public/private dichotomies. This questioning, in turn, which is giving form to the proposal that would lead to the possible construction (or not) of an intercultural and non patriarchal state. To illustrate this assertion, I will focus on the following examples: 1) the elaboration of various anti-racist and anti-discrimination law proposals to fight against emergent racisms and sexisms within the constitutional process, 2) the opening of a Unidad de Lucha Contra el Racismo within the Vice Ministry of Decolonization and the closing of the Vice Ministry of Gender within the Ministry of Justice; 3) the different treatment given to Felix Patzi’s (aymara intellectual and ex-official candidate for the governorship of the department of La Paz by the party in government MAS) violation of ‘the law” (drunk driving) by his community (communal justice) and by the government (ordinary justice) and the racialization of politics that this involved.
Este artículo examinará algunas de las fuerzas contradictorias en la formación del estado en la sierra ecuatoriana en el segundo cuarto del siglo XX. Esta fue una era de extraordinaria inestabilidad económica y política (con, por ejemplo, 15 cabezas de estado sólo en la década de 1930), y sin embargo fue también una era que vio la emergencia de un estado activo que buscaba intervenir energéticamente en la vida social. He argumentado en otros espacios que para los grupos subordinados este complejo ambiente estatal abrió a veces el espacio para maniobrar y la posibilidad de reclamar ante constelaciones rápidamente cambiantes de actores estatales. Cada vez más, no obstante, me he interesado en las constelaciones mismas, para entender mejor la forma y la densidad del estado en sus funciones cotidianas. Utilizando documentación de archivo detallada acerca de las actividades del Servicio de Sanidad del Ecuador, analizaré algunas arenas en las cuales actores dentro de esta institución estatal buscaron implementar tanto clases específicas de relaciones entre el estado y los ciudadanos, como formas específicas de vida social. Al hacerlo, espero abordar algo de la naturaleza de los encuentros gubernamentales vividos y de la textura de los proyectos del gobierno.
Alejandro Diez Hurtado (Pontifica Universidad Católica del Perú)
La instauración del Régimen Republicano tras la Independencia supuso el cambio de un sistema de gobierno fundado en la diferencia de estatus (españoles e indios) a otro fundado en la (supuesta) igualdad entre ciudadanos. Los cabildos coloniales fueron reemplazados por municipios republicanos, supuestamente fundados en la separación de poderes (ejecutivo, legislativo y judicial) y en principios democráticos de gobierno. El proceso de reemplazo de instituciones y autoridades se desarrolló en el marco de la continuidad de antiguas estructuras coloniales (legales, pero sobre todo institucionales) sin las cuales no era posible gobernar y de procesos de cambio y adopción de las nuevas instituciones republicanas, en la búsqueda de la población de adherir y ser incluida en el nuevo Estado, lo que obligó a los Estados a tolerar prácticas no legales en el nuevo marco pero sobre todo a flexibilizarse, para garantizar cierto grado de control. El destino de los cabildos coloniales de indígenas y sus derivaciones republicanas (municipio, cabildo de peruanos, comunidad de propietarios) ilustran el proceso de transformación y de invención de un Estado Republicano relativamente diferente de los proyectos políticos dictados desde la capital.
Nicole Fabricant (Northwestern University)
Bolivian social movements have gained international recognition for their role in reversing the privatization of natural resources and paving the way for the election of social democrat Evo Morales. But they have had a difficult time translating national-level victory into real structural change for the urban poor who live in the peripheral areas of El Alto, where 65% of residents do not have direct access to drinking water. As well, global warming and glacial melt, if not immediately addressed, could result in a large-scale water crisis. Due to fractured post-neoliberal relations, there is limited room for collaborative engagement on these issues. Here I explore the tensions between social movements like FEJUVE (Federation of Neighborhood Organizations) and state officials in dealing with water scarcity. While the Morales administration has proposed a more centralized and holistic approach, FEJUVE instead speaks of exclusion, the purification of Aymara rights, and localized solutions. Michael Watt’s (2004) notion of the “dangers of locality”—the focus on community initiatives at the expense of wider nation-building frames—provides insight into the challenges and dangers Alteños are confronting. Platforms for autonomous solutions, in a moment of radical ecological shift, could work against the interests of a resource-poor municipality and set the stage for “disaster capitalism,” where private interests and market-based solutions will once again reign free. At the same time, the question of how these distinct groups will come together—or not—to propose solutions to the water crisis challenges scholars to reconceptualize the power of left-leaning states versus multinational actors in this post-neoliberal moment.
Lesley Gill (Vanderbilt University)
This paper examines processes of state formation less as top-down impositions of centralized rule than as complex struggles over resources, entitlements, political control, and projects for social change that have shaped the making of particular localities. By focusing on political struggles in the Colombia’s Middle Magdalena region, the paper explores how contending groups–peasants, workers, impoverished urbanites, guerrillas, paramilitaries, state security forces, NGOs, and transnational corporations–have struggled to extend and territorialize different state projects, understandings of rights, and visions of order. The analysis focuses on the struggles that gave rise to a militant labor movement in the oil-refining center of Barrancabermeja, the nationalization of the oil industry, and subsequent demands for revolutionary social change in the 1970s. It also explores how these labor struggles were repressed by powerful right-wing paramilitary groups, allied with local power holders and state security forces, who enacted an oppressive form of “order” that posed new dilemmas for the central state. The paper argues that for a time, the labor movement played a leading role in extending democratic rights and protections by pushing issues onto the state’s agenda that went well beyond those advanced by elites. It further argues that processes of state formation and labor organization are closely linked to the production of social geographies of power in particular places, as well as the ways in which ordinary people are included in and excluded from organizational networks that both shape and transcend localities.
Shane Greene (Indiana University)
My contribution addresses the third cluster of inquiry defined by the organizers of the “Off-Centered States” conference about the role of fantasy and imagination in state formation. This paper examines the confluence of discourses of race science, linguistics, and archaeology and their impact on the conceptualization of the Peruvian nation-state in the latter half of the 19th century. In particular, I map out a discussion that became central to Andean and other South American intellectuals of the time: whether or not the Inca were in fact white. Intellectual debates about possible evidence of the Inca descending from an invading Aryan race spoke directly to a national project rooted in what Alberto Flores Galindo has described as Peru’s perennial postcolonial search for a new Inca. As such, debates over possible connections between ancient Inca and Aryan civilizations also provided an implicit answer to what kind of state rule was considered legitimate in the aftermath of independence from the Spanish crown. Essentially this meant the search for a new Inca was predicated on an idea that his whiteness was also that which legitimated his right to rule. This work draws connections between critical race theories on white privilege, rooted in Euro-centric ideas of race and civilization, and representations of a white Inca that emerged out of the 19th century South American intelligentsia. The point is to both decenter the idea that an expansive and universalistic notion of civilization is necessarily Euro-centric and show how South American intellectuals recentered it in the Andean states.
Penelope Harvey (University of Manchester)
This paper approaches the topic of political formation and deformation in the Andes from the perspective of the Southern Peruvian Andes. The ethnographic focus is on public works, specifically the road construction industry and the ways in which construction practice and engineering expertise impinges on the organization of political life. Public works are political projects enacted as technical interventions. Road construction projects draw on international finance and expertise, emerge through negotiations with continental partners, are embraced by regional and local governments in response to popular demand, and channel aspirations for new modes of political inclusion and economic progress. They are highly contentious sites that both enact and unsettle state power. This paper looks ethnographically at infrastructural engineering, following the metrics, techniques and standards that frame the ways in which modern states transform public space. Particular attention is paid to how notions of territorial sovereignty are negotiated and fought over in the process of construction at the interface between local, regional and transnational jurisdiction. Public and private spaces are ambiguously defined in ways that critically transform the possibilities and the limits for public engagement with the practices of private construction companies charged with executing public works.
Christopher Krupa (Emory University/ University of Toronto)
This paper asks about the work of property law, tax regimes, and land mapping technologies in advancing a sense of state presence and control over rural, agricultural zones—regions often figured as sitting at the “margins” of the bureaucratic state and populated by people thought to be at best loosely administered by it. Throughout the Andes, these three devices have been used since the colonial era as vanguard instruments of state rule and their implementation has led to some of the most significant struggles over the material and symbolic conditions of political subjection and governance (i.e., colonial and early Republican tax vs. tribute divisions, the alcabala and contribución ordinaria revolts, their link to the formation of reducciones, the reproduction of kuraka status and the “delegated sovereignty” of hacendados, the extension of the developmentalist state into indigenous/ peasant community formation during agrarian reform periods, and so on). Land-focused technologies achieved heightened importance again in the late 1990s as instrumental to the advance of state decentralization agendas and the reimagining of municipalities as more robust sites of local governance and political regulation, particularly in rural areas where agrarian conflicts were either unfolding or imminent, and received massive funding from international donors under the rubric of expanding property rights among the rural poor and beefing up juridical state apparatuses. Framed by this historic and political-economic context, this paper focuses on a particularly contentious instance of cadastral engineering that was implemented in 2001/ 2 by the municipal government of Cayambe, Ecuador—a highland canton that was then not only one of the few in Ecuador ruled by the Pachakutik Nuevo-País party (and thus claiming to primarily represent its 150 or so indigenous communities) but also one of the country’s most important centers of export rose production (and thus pivotal to the political and economic power of the domestic capitalist class). Quite remarkably, the new state machinery developed under this project (satellite maps, an expanded cadastral bureaucracy, updated land registries) and the fiscal-administrative knowledge produced by it (update land values, land tax increases, redefined property boundaries) were deployed by the municipal government as technologies of retribution against the historic injustices inflicted upon the indigenous sector by the region’s landed classes, all via a reconfiguration of the idea of (a now potentially indigenized) state and novel manipulations of its claim to representing an abstract, universalist signifier of political rule. The ensuing conflicts between these two sectors—which included a series of violent riots and demonstrations—brought to the fore pressing issues about how legitimacy is produced, refused, and debated in relation to material reifications of state under rapidly transforming political and economic conditions.
Maria L. Lagos, Lehman College, CUNY (Associate Professor Emerita)
The recently promulgated “Nueva Constitución Política de Estado” (NCPE) constitutes the latest phase in a long historical process of political struggles and widespread social mobilizations to demand the social, political, and cultural transformation of Bolivia, one that would recognize the rights of historically marginalized indigenous and popular groups within a more inclusive and just society. The NCPE also constitutes a novel civilizing project of a “plurinational” state, which nevertheless combines elements of the liberal state with alternative ideas for political organization. This paper examines the making of the new state as an arena of political struggle in which diverse social groups debate and struggle about key political issues, such as the nature of the state, the organization of political life, the meaning of citizenship. Drawing on the analysis of two different sources of information: (1) informal conversations with peasants and miners, which include their accounts of conflictive encounters with the army, and (2) a selection of proposals for a new constitution submitted to the Constitutional Assembly by organizations of civil and political society, this paper seeks to elucidate how different social groups and individuals think about the state and imagine the foundation of a new one.
Alexandra Martinez Flores (Wageningen University/ Universidad Politécnica Salesiana- Ecuador)
This article shows how is the process of translation of food sovereignty proposal, originally present in the Ecuadorian Constitution 2008, into food sovereignty law. It questions academic literature that assumes indigenous movements as situated in the margins of the state. Instead this article illustrates the versatile and complex relationship between indigenous movements and the state in order to introduce some key aspects in the Ecuadorian constitution of 2008 and to formulate the food sovereignty law. During this process are the everyday practices of lobbying, for establishing links with government actors (assemblies, legislators, and bureaucrats), environmental movements and NGOs; or are the demonstrations in the streets to generate distances with other parts of the government, with the elites, which gradually translate the food sovereignty proposal. These practices also demarcate the realms of the state and non state and allow the indigenous movements to create strategies to enhance their interests.
Carmen Martínez Novo (FLACSO, Ecuador)
The government of Rafael Correa, which calls itself “The Citizen´s Revolution,” is engaged in an ambitious and conflictive project of state formation that seeks to reinforce the power of the central state. Participants in the government perceive this project as a reversal of the shrinking state of neo-liberalism that abandoned or delegated its responsibilities, and as an opportunity to reach more of the national territory and population. This is done through policies that according to these officials seek to create greater equality and well being for the population, particularly for those disempowered and marginalized. Despite these intentions, the government has clashed with the indigenous movement and other organized groups of the left. As the “Citizen´s Revolution” seeks to build the central authority of a historically weak state, it has confronted, not only traditional privileges, but also the autonomy that social movements and the organized poor had gained in an earlier period characterized by an emphasis on de-centralization. In the case of the indigenous movement, the government of Correa has discontinued the autonomy of all state institutions in charge of indigenous issues such as education, and development. The government, which declares itself pluri-national in its last 2008 Constitution, is also trying to gain tighter control of territories and natural resources in the name of the “common good.” The indigenous movement is becoming increasingly wary of a government that is depriving it from cultural, economic, and territorial autonomy. Why is a leftist government whose leader speaks Kichwa ( a rare occurrence among Ecuadorian mestizos and even rarer among coastal Ecuadorians) oppose the indigenous movement? Why is it so important to deprive social movements of their autonomy and strength for this government? How do indigenous people perceive this particular “Revolution”? How and why is the “centering” of the Ecuadorian state pushing social movements towards the margins?
David Nugent (Emory University)
In his landmark study Discipline and Punish, Michel Foucault describes the emergence of a “carceral society,” based on institutions exemplified by the Panopticon, which individualize and embody discipline in novel, distinctively modern forms. Among the most salient aspects of disciplinary institutions is that they establish an unequal gaze, in which subjects feel themselves to be under constant observation by an unseen seer, conveying the sentiment of an invisible omniscience. In this paper I suggest that institutions like the Panopticon represent only one among many structures of surveillance—that the question of who is understood to be gazing at whom, by what means, and with what effects, is an important issue for scholarly investigation. I illustrate this argument by drawing ethnographic materials circa 1950 from the Chachapoyas region of northern Peru, where government repression forced a political party called APRA to seek refuge underground. Despite the fact that APRA was forced to operate in secret, beyond the gaze of the authorities, the party precipitated a crisis of rule among government officials, convincing them that they were incapable of carrying out even the most basic of governing functions. Although APRA did not have its disposal anything even remotely resembling disciplinary institutions, the party nonetheless managed to create its own sentiment of invisible omniscience, and to convince government officials that they were subject to it. I draw on these developments to argue that there are many different modes or technologies of surveillance, each of which reflects specific social conditions, and which produces distinctive ways of ruling at a distance.
Santiago Ortiz (FLACSO)
Como parte de un estudio sobre ciudadanía étnica en Otavalo y Cotacachi, dos cantones ubicados en la sierra norte de Ecuador, se examinan las diversas prácticas y expectativas de los indígenas en su relación con el Estado. El trabajo analiza los variados vínculos que tienen la población indígena con el Estado en torno a las solicitudes de obras y servicios, el pago de impuestos, su participación política, la intervención en espacios de gestión, la recepción de bonos de desarrollo humano, vivienda o titulación de tierras. La idea central que plantea la ponencia es que los indígenas tienen una amplia relación con el Estado y aspiran un Estado que intervenga activamente en la solución de sus problemas, con políticas redistributivas que aseguren condiciones de vida igualitarias para todos, indistintamente de su pertenencia étnica. Los indígenas tienen una perspectiva de mayor presencia estatal lo cual les distancia de una ideología de inspiración neoliberal que buscó reducir al Estado, tal como estuvo en el Ecuador desde los años 90. Esta visión de una mayor presencia y gestión de la institucionalidad pública se da también sobre los gobiernos locales, que están bajo control de los indígenas desde hace más de una década. La ponencia sostiene que esta visión coincide con la propuesta de un Estado proactivo que plantea el Presidente Rafael Correa, y es un factor importante en la identificación de los indígenas con este líder izquierdista y nacionalista quien obtuvo más del 70% de los votos en las últimas elecciones en esos dos cantones.
Mercedes Prieto (FLACSO)
La presentación busca elaborar una crítica a la noción de silencio como estrategia política subalterna. De manera particular explora las tensiones entre el silenciamiento de las mujeres indígenas kichwas en arenas sociales y estatales y su rol como intermediarias políticas durante el siglo veinte. Efectivamente, las mujeres indígenas aparecen camufladas en las discusiones legislativas, de los pensadores y de las emergentes instituciones estatales hasta mitad del siglo veinte. Al mismo tiempo, sin embargo, encontramos mujeres indígenas en el espacio público que aparecen como mediadoras de algunas de las políticas indígenas (i.e. Dolores Cacuango y Rosa Lema). Argumentamos que estas tensiones tienden a resolverse cuando el estado las asume como intermediarias de su enraizamiento en zonas marginadas, a través de los programas de la Misión Andina. De manera que el silencio antes que una política subalterna aparece como un espacio de manipulaciones múltiples, de creación de alteridad y de domesticación estatal de las mujeres indígenas.
María Clemencia Ramírez (Investigadora Asociada,Instituto Colombiano de Antropología e Historia)
En el Putumayo, región marginal caracterizada por la presencia de actores armados no estatales y del narcotráfico, las políticas del gobierno central que buscan consolidar la presencia del estado y promover el buen gobierno por un lado, y la implementación e interpretación de las mismas por parte de los representantes del estado a nivel local por otro, ponen en evidencia prácticas del ejercicio del poder que examino con el fin de entender la formación del estado en este contexto de marginalidad e ilegalidad. Argumento que en el Putumayo el estado local se encuentra inmerso en la cultura y prácticas políticas de la región que implican afectos y desafectos, alianzas y enemistades, lealtades y deslealtades, sospechas y rumores sobre corrupción administrativa, que permean las funciones del estado, lo cual no sólo cuestiona la “racionalidad y objetividad” del mismo, sino que explica la resignificación e instrumentalización, como armas de control y oposición política, de los mecanismos diseñados para medir la eficiencia y transparencia en la administración del estado a nivel municipal y departamental por parte del estado central, lo cual redunda en la debilitación del gobierno local como resultado de la intervención directa del gobierno central para corregir los “malos manejos” de la administración local del estado.
In this paper on IVF and abortion in Ecuador I track complex forms of reproductive governance where official policies of church and state are seemingly flouted but have intimate, corporal and durable effects on citizens. The Ecuadorian state and the Catholic Church are intensely engaged in life politics exemplified by their positions regarding abortion and IVF. In regards to the Church, the majority of Ecuadorians consider themselves Catholic and the Vatican absolutely condemns both abortion and IVF. In regards to the Ecuadorian state, on demand abortion is illegal, and recent legislation has made some practices of IVF technically illegal as well. Despite the Church condemnation and state legislation, clandestine abortion is ubiquitous and relatively easy to attain in Ecuador, and the IVF industry continues to flourish without oversight. Nevertheless state health care policy has contributed to the massive expansion of privatized medicine in Ecuador. Even people with relatively few economic resources strategize on how to pay out of pocket for private health care, including IVF, in order to avoid state funded medicine. That many Ecuadorian patients in IVF clinics have very few economic resources becomes evident beyond their ability to pay on time. Many of the poorer women who come to IVF clinics were made infertile through the side effects of unsafe abortion. In Ecuador the illegality of abortion can act like sterilization for poor woman, a form of corporeal punishment that they hope to relieve through expensive, private and unlawful forms of assisted reproduction.
Irene Silverblatt (Duke University)
Contemporary Andean polities are haunted by colonial legacies. Looking at Andean state-making from the off-centered vantage of the developing colonial state helps make sense of some of the confusions and irrationalities of modern political life. As the Spanish empire helps clarify, European state-making did not develop independently from imperial endeavors; moreover Spanish political ideologies surrounding subject populations weigh heavily on modern understandings and institutions of political dominion. Colonial apparatuses of statecraft, washed in the dictates of imperial control, made race-thinking – and the imperatives of “civilization” -- part of the body politic. Spanish bureaucrats intermeshed two race-thinking designs as they went about the business of state. One design racialized culture through purity of blood laws, while expanding culture/religion to incipient nationhood (Old Christian-Spanish vs New Christian -Jew). The other racialized global geopolitics, by turning imperialism into a caste structure and attaching color to political privilege, moral supremacy, place, and economic function (Spanish-white-ruler vs Indian-Brown-Tribute payer vs Negro-black-slave. These were the broad strokes framing the new categories of humanness -- the new categories of political subjection -- that early state-making and colonialism instantiated. These entanglements shadow modern confusions of “race” with “nation”, of “nation” with religion, of religion with ancestry, of ancestry with culture and of culture with economic aptitude, political loyalty and moral pre-eminence. This study probes colonial designs and how they still limn Andean claims to – and struggles over -- political legitimacy, political ideals, and political justice.
Karen Spalding (University of Connecticut)
Virtually all definitions of the modern state insist upon its monopoly of justice as the basis of the legitimacy of the state, and most agree that the modern Andean state is founded on the system of law inherited from the Spanish colonial period. The Spanish crown’s claim to the legitimate monopoly of authority in the Andes rested on its ability to become the determinant of justice for the people who lived in the territories occupied by its representatives. However, the Spaniards who sought to impose Spanish law in the Andes also had another legal tradition: that of the Inca state that preceded them. In this paper, I propose to examine the efforts of Spanish authorities in the sixteenth century to de-legitimize and erase the native legal tradition and replace it with Spanish law. Elaborate inquiries into Inca law and practice, including the preservation of that law in khipu, or knotted cord records, carried out by Francisco de Toledo and his successors, provide evidence of the importance to the crown of eliminating all claim to legitimacy of the political system they sought to replace.
Winifred Tate (Colby College)
This paper will examine the role of the United States in Colombian state formation through the implementation of Plan Colombia. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Colombia and Washington, DC, I will critically interrogate what US officials viewed as the central threats to the Colombian state, and how this shaped their design and implementation of democracy promotion programs as well as the military assistance project that constituted the bulk of US aid. Strengthening Colombian democracy was a central objective of Plan Colombia, yet the policymakers charged with designing and implementing democratization programs completely bypassed existing democratic institutions within Colombia. Charged with strengthening the state and fostering participation in an area portrayed as either an unsettled wilderness or a bastion of criminals and outcasts, US officials developed a narrative of Colombian state weakness in Putumayo that privileged social control over participation, while refusing to acknowledge the reconfiguration of political power through the emergence of new illicit networks. I will also examine the emerging claims to political legitimacy, counter-narratives of state formation and new forms of political alliances developed by oppositional activists. Through an ethnographic exploration of the lived governmental encounters and intimate confrontations between bureaucrats and advocates, I will explore how Colombian activists attempted to participate in the articulation of governance plans for their region and stake claims to alternative processes of state formation.
María Pía Vera (FLACSO, Ecuador)
This proposal aims to reconstruct the memories about the state during the 1998-2000 financial crisis in Ecuador and intends to understand how these memories contribute to shape an idea of state as an institution governing the economic life and protecting citizens against the market –represented by the banks. This proposal will describe the recalls of those affected by the closure of banks at their encounters with state agencies (Superintendency of Banks and Deposit Guarantee Agency) in an attempt to recoup some of their money. To these memories I will add theirs interpretations of the state’s actions during and after the crisis against the “corrupt bankers”. Interpretations that will be complemented with the discourses, produced from the state, about the banks and the answers given for the financial sector. These discourses and memories hold up a dispute over an imaginary of state where terms such as protection, justice and compensation are essential. This dispute in Ecuador has helped to destabilize the neoliberal model.
Conference Statement (English)